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The territory belonging to this city contains about seven square leagues, and is divided into nine parishes; the town is by far the most populous in Switzerland, having about 30,000 inhabitants, of whom, however, 5000 are generally supposed to be absent. It has a small district dependent upon it, but this does not contain above 16,000. The adjacent country is extremely beautiful, and has many magnificent views arising from the different positions of the numerous hills and mountains with regard to the town and lake. The inhabitants were formerly distinguished into four classes, viz. citizens, burgesses, inhabitants, and natives; and since the revolution in 1782, a fifth class, named demicilius, have been added, who annually receive permission from the magistrates to reside in the city. The citizens and burgesses alone, however, are admitted to a share in the government; those called inhabitants are strangers allowed to settle in the town with certain privileges; and the natives are the sons of those inhabitants, who possess additional advantages. The people are very active and industrious, carrying an extensive commerce.
In the time of Charles the Great, the city and territory of Geneva made part of his empire; and, under his successors, it became subject to the German emperors. By reason of the imbecility of these princes, however, the bishops of Geneva acquired such authority over the inhabitants, that the emperor had no other means of counterbalancing it than by augmenting the privileges of the people. In these barbarous ages also the bishops and counts had constant disputes, of which the people took the advantage; and by siding sometimes with one, and sometimes with the other, they obtained an extension of their privileges from both. The house of Savoy at length purchased the territory, and succeeded the counts with additional power: against them therefore the bishops and people united in order to resist their encroachments; and, during this period, the government was strangely complicated by reason of the various pretensions of the three parties. The counts of Savoy, however, had at last the address to dissolve the union between the bishops and citizens, by procuring the episcopal see for their brothers, and even their illegitimate children; by which means their power became gradually so extensive, that towards the commencement of the 16th century, Charles III of Savoy (though the government was entirely republican) obtained an almost absolute authority over the people, and exercised it in a most unjust and arbitrary manner. Thus violent commotions took place; and the citizens became divided into two parties, one of which, viz. the patriots, were styled Eidgenoffen or confederates; the partisans of Savoy being disgraced by the appellation of Mammelucs or slaves. The true period of Genevan liberty may therefore be considered as commencing with the treaty concluded with Berne and Friburg in the year 1526; in consequence of which the duke was in a short time deprived of his authority, the bishop driven from the city, and the reformed religion and a republican form of government introduced. A long war commenced with Savoy on this account; but the Genevans proved an overmatch for their enemies by their own bravery and the assistance of the inhabitants of Berne. In 1584, the republic concluded a treaty with Zurich and Berne, by which it is allied to the Swiss cantons. The house of Savoy made their last attempt against Geneva in 1602, when the city was treacherously attacked in the night-time during a profound peace. Two hundred soldiers had scaled the walls, and got into the town before any alarm was given; but they were repulsed by the desperate valour of a few citizens, who perished in the encounter. A petard had been fastened to one of the gates by the Savoyards; but the gunner was killed before it could be discharged. The war occasioned by the treachery was next year concluded by a solemn treaty, which has ever since been observed on both sides; though the independence of Geneva was not formally acknowledged by the king of Sardinia till the year 1754.
The restoration of tranquility from without in consequence of the above treaty, was however soon followed by the flames of internal discord, so common in popular governments; so that during the whole of the last century the history of Geneva affords little more than an account of the struggles betwixt the aristocratical and popular parties. About the beginning of the present century the power of the Grand Council was become almost absolute; but in order to restrain its authority, an edict was procured in 1707 by the popular party, enacting, that every five years a general council of the citizens and burghers should be summoned to deliberate upon the affairs of the republic. In consequence of this law a general assembly was convened in 1712; and the very first act of that assembly was to abolish the edict by which they had been convened. A proceeding so extraordinary can scarcely be accounted for on the principles of popular fickleness and inconstancy. Rousseau, in his Miscellaneous Works, ascribes it to the artifices of the magistrates, and the equivocal terms marked upon the billets then in use. For the question being put, "Whether the opinion of the councils for abolishing the periodical assemblies should pass into a law?" the words approbation or rejection, put upon the billets by which the votes were given, might be interpreted either way. Thus, if the billet was chosen on which the word approbation was written, the opinion of the councils which rejected the assemblies was approved; and by the word rejection, the periodical assembly was rejected of course. Hence several of the citizens complained that they had been deceived, and that they never meant to reject the general assembly, but only the opinion of the councils.
In consequence of the abolition of the general assemblies the power of the aristocratical party was greatly augmented; till at length the inhabitants exerting themselves with uncommon spirit and perseverance, found means to limit the power of the magistrates, and enlarge their own rights. In 1776, as Mr Coxe informs us, the government might be considered as a mean betwixt that of the aristocratical and popular cantons of Switzerland. The members of the senate, or little council of 25, enjoyed in their corporate capacity several very considerable prerogatives. By them half the members of the great council were named; the principal magistrates were supplied from their own body; they convoked the great and general councils, deliberating previously upon every question which was to be brought before these councils. They were vested also with the chief executive power, the administration of finances, and had in a certain degree the jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes. Most of the smaller posts were likewise filled by them; and they enjoyed the sole privilege of conferring the burghership. These, and other prerogatives, however, were balanced by those of the great council and the privileges of the general {620} council. The former had a right to choose the member of the senate from their own body; receiving appeals in all causes above a certain value, pardoning criminals, &c. besides which they had the important privilege of approving or rejecting whatever was proposed by the senate to be laid before the people.
The general council of assembly of the people, is composed of the citizens and burghers of the town; their number in general amounting to 1500, though usually not more than 1200 were present; the remainder residing in foreign countries, or being otherwise absent. It meets twice a-year, chooses the principal magistrates, approves or rejects the laws and regulations proposed by the other councils, imposes taxes, contracts alliances, declares war or peace, and nominates half the members of the great council, &c. But the principal check to the power of the senate arose from the right of re-election, or the power of annually expelling four members from the senate at the nomination of the syndics or principal magistrates, and from the right of representation. The syndics are four in number, chosen annually from the senate by the general council; and three years elapse before the same members can be again appointed. In choosing these magistrates, the senate appointed from its own body eight candidates, from whom the four syndics were to be chosen by the general council. The latter, however, had it in their power to reject not only the first eight candidates, but also the whole body of senators in succession: in which case, four members of the senate retired into the great council; and their places were filled by an equal number from that council. With regard to the power of representation, every citizen or burgher had the privilege of applying to the senate in order to procure a new regulation in this respect, or of remonstrating against any act of the magistracy. To these remonstrances the magistrates were obliged to give an explicit answer; for if a satisfactory answer was not given to one, a second was immediately presented. The representation was made by a greater or smaller number of citizens according to the importance of the point in question.
Since the 1776 [sic], however, several changes have taken place. This right of re-election, which the aristocratical party were obliged to yield to the people in 1768, soon proved very disagreeable, being considered by the former as a kind of ostracism; for which reason they catched at every opportunity of procuring its abolition. They were now distinguished by the title of negatives, while the popular party had that of representants; and the point in dispute was the compilation of a new code of laws. This measure the negatives opposed, as supposing that it would tend to reduce their prerogatives; while, on the other hand, the representants used their utmost endeavours to promote it, in hopes of having their privileges augmented by this means. At last, in the month of January 1777, the negatives were obliged to comply with the demands of their antagonists; and a committee for forming a new code of laws was appointed by the concurrence of the little, great, and general councils. The committee was to last for two years, and the code to be laid before the three councils for their joint approbation or rejection. A sketch of the first part of the code was presented to the little and great councils on the first of September 1779, that they might profit by their observations before it was presented to the general council. Great disputes arose; and at length it was carried by the negatives that the code should be rejected and the committee dissolved. The opposite party complained of this as unconstitutional, and violent disputes ensued; the issue of which was, that the great council offered to compile the code, and submit it to the decision of the public. This did not give satisfaction to the popular party, who considered it as insidious: the contentions revived with more fury than ever, until at length the negatives supposing, or pretending to suppose, that their country was in danger, applied to their guarantees, France, Zurich, and Berne, intreating them to protect the laws and constitution. This was productive of no good effect; so that the negatives found no other method of gaining their point than by sowing dissension among the different classes of inhabitants. The natives were discontented and jealous on account of many exclusive privileges enjoyed by that class named citizens: they were besides exasperated against them for having, in 1770, banished eight of the principal natives, who pretended that the right of burghership belonged to the natives as well as to the citizens, and demanded that this right ought to be gratuitously conferred instead of being purchased. The negatives, in hopes of making such a considerable addition to their party, courted the natives by all the methods they could think of, promising by a public declaration that they were ready to confer upon them those privileges of trade and commerce which had hitherto been confined exclusively to the citizens. The designs of the negatives were likewise openly favoured by the court of France, and dispatches were even written to the French resident at Geneva to be communicated to the principal natives who sided with the aristocratic party. The attorney-general, conceiving this mode of interference to be highly unconstitutional, presented a spirited remonstrance; by which the French court were so much displeased, that they procured his deposition from his office; and thus their party was very considerably increased among the natives. The representants were by no means negligent in their endeavours to conciliate the favour of the same party, and even promised what they had hitherto opposed in the strongest manner, viz. to facilitate the acquisition of the burghership, and the bestow it as the recompence of industry and good behaviour. Thus two parties were formed among the natives themselves; and the dissensions becoming every day worse and worse, a general insurrection took place on the 5th of February 1781. A dispute, accompanied with violent reproaches, having commenced betwixt two neighbouring and opposite parties of natives, a battle would have immediately taken place, had it not been for the interposition of the syndics on the one side, and the chiefs of the representants on the other. The tumult was beginning to subside, when a discharge of musquetry was heard from the arsenal. Some young men who sided with the negatives, having taken possession of the arsenal, had fired by mistake upon several natives of their own party, and had killed and wounded another. This was considered by the representants as the signal for a general insurrection, on which they instantly took up arms and marched in three columns to the arsenal; but {621} finding there only a few young men who had rashly fired without orders, they permitted the rest to retire without molestation. In the opinion of some people, however, this affair was preconcerted, and the representants are said to have been the first aggressors.
The representants having thus taken up arms, were in no haste to lay them down. They took possession of all the avenues to the city; and their committee being summoned next morning by the natives to fulfil their engagements with respect to the burghership, they held several meetings with the principal negatives on that subject, but without any success: for though the latter readily agreed to an augmentation of the commercial privileges of the natives, they absolutely refused to facilitate the acquisition of the burghership. The committee, however, embarrassed and alarmed at the number and threats of the natives, determined to abide by what they had promised; drew up an edict permitting the natives to carry on trade, and to hold the rank of officer in the military associations; and conferred the burgership on more than 100 persons taken from the natives and inhabitants, and even from the peasants of the territory. This was approved by the three councils; the negatives, dreading the power of their adversaries, who had made themselves master of the city, not daring to make their appearance.
Thus the popular party imagined that they had got a complete victory; but they soon found themselves deceived. They were prevailed upon by the deputies from Zurich and Berne (who had been sent to conciliate the differences) to lay down their arms; and this was no sooner done, than these same deputies declared the edict in favour of the natives to be null and illegal. The senate declared themselves of the same opinion; and maintained, that the assent of the councils had been obtained only through fear of the representants who were under arms, and whom none at that time durst oppose. The representants, exasperated by this proceeding, presented another remonstrance on the 18th of March 1782, summoning the magistrates once more to confirm the edict; but a month afterwards received the laconic answer, that "government was neither willing nor able to confirm it." The natives, now finding themselves disappointed in their favourite object at the very time they had such strong hopes of obtaining it, behaved at first like frantic people; and these transports having subsided, an universal tumult took place. The most moderate of the popular party endeavoured in vain to allay their fury, by dispersing themselves in different quarters of the city; and the citizens, finding themselves at last obliged either to abandon the party of the natives or to join them openly, hastily adopted the latter measure; after which, as none could now oppose them, the officers of the representants took possession of the town, and quelled the insurrection. Various negotiations were carried on with the negatives in order to prevail upon them to ratify the edict, but without success: on which a few of the magistrates were confined by the popular party along with the principal negatives; and as they justly expected the interference of France on account of what they had done, they resolved to prolong the confinement of the prisoners, that they might answer the purpose of hostages for their own safety. In the mean time the body of citizens, deceived by the pretences of the popular party, acted as if their power was already established and permanent. In consequence of this, they deposed several members of the great and little councils, appointing in their room an equal number of persons who were favourable to the cause of the representants. The great council thus new modelled, executed the edict for conferring the burghership upon a number of the natives; and appointed a committee of safety, composed of eleven members, with very considerable authority. By this committee the public tranquillity was re-established; after which, the fortifications were ordered to be repaired; and the people were buoyed up by the most dangerous notions of their own prowess, and a confidence that France either durst not attack them or did not incline to do so. In consequence of this fatal error, they refused every offer of reconciliation which was made them from the other party; until at last troops were dispatched against them by the king of Sardinia and the canton of Berne; and their respective generals, Messrs de la Marmora and Lentulus, being ordered to act in concert with the French commander M. de Jaucourt, who had advanced to the frontiers with a considerable detachment. The Genevans, however, vainly puffed up by a confidence in their own abilities, continued to repair their fortifications with indefatigable labour; the peasants repaired from all quarters to the city, offering to mount guard and work at the fortifications without any pay; women of all ranks crowded to the walls as to a place of amusement, encouraging the men, and even assisting them in their labour. The besiegers, however, advanced in such force, that every person of discernment foresaw that all resistance would be vain. The French general Jaucourt, on the 29th of June 1782, dispatched a message to the Syndics; in which he insisted on the following humiliating conditions: 1. That no person should appear on the streets under pain of military punishment. 2. That a certain number of citizens, among whom were all the chiefs of the representants, should quit the place in 24 hours. 3. That all arms should be delivered to the three generals. 4. That the deposed magistrates should be instantly re-established: And, lastly, That an answer should be returned in two hours. By this message the people were thrown into the utmost despair; and all without exception resolved to perish rather than to accept of terms so very disgraceful. They instantly hurried to the ramparts with a view of putting their resolution in force; but in the mean time the Syndics found means to obtain from the generals a delay of 24 hours. During this interval, not only men of all ages prepared for the approaching danger, but even women and children tore the pavement from the streets, carrying the stones up to the tops of the houses, with a view of rolling them down upon the enemy in case they should force their way into the town. About 80 women and girls, dressed in uniforms, offered to form themselves into a company for the defence of their country. The committee of safety accepted their services, and placed them in a barrack secured from the cannon of the besiegers. The negatives were greatly alarmed at this appearance of desperate resistance; and some of the most moderate among them endeavoured, but without success, to effect a reconciliation. At the hour {622} in which it was expected that the attack would begin, the ramparts were filled with defenders; and though the most zealous of the popular party had calculated only on 3000, upwards of 5000 appeared in the public cause. The French general, however, justly alarmed for the prisoners, who were now in imminent danger, again prolonged the period proposed for the capitulation. By these repeated delays the ardour of the defendants began to abate. The women first began to figure to themselves the horrors of a town taken by assault, and given up to an enraged and licentious soldiery; many timid persons found means not only to disguise their own fears, but to inspire others with them under the pretence of prudence and caution: at last the committee of safety themselves, who had so strenuously declared for hostilities, entirely changed their mind. Being well apprized, however, that it would be dangerous for them to propose surrendering in the present temper of the people, they assembled the citizens in their respective circles, representing, that if the city should be attacked in the night, it would be no longer possible to convene them: for which reason they recommended to them that each circle should nominate several deputies with full authority to decide in their stead; adding, that they ought rather to appoint those persons who from their age and respectable character were capable of assisting their country by their advice, while others were defending it by their valour. Thus a new council, composed of about 100 citizens, was formed; in which the chiefs, by various manœuvres, first intimidating, and then endeavouring to persuade the members of the necessity of surrendering, at last found means to take the thoughts of the people entirely off the defence of the city, and engage them in a scheme of general emigration. A declaration was drawn up to be delivered to the Syndics with the keys of the city, the chiefs summoned the principal officers from their posts, ordered the cannon of several batteries to be rendered unfit for service, and at last took care of themselves by quitting the town. The people were in the utmost despair; and left the town in such multitudes, that when the Sardinians entered in in the morning, they found it almost deserted. This was followed by the restoration of the former magistrates, a complete subjection of the popular party, and the establishment of a military government.
The changes which took place on this occasion were as follow: 1. An abolition of the right of re-election. 2. The abolition of that right by which the general council nominated half the vacancies in the great council. 3. The right of remonstrating was taken from the citizens at large, and vested in 36 adjuncts, who might be present in the great present in the great council the first Monday of every month. They enjoyed a right of representation, and consequence of that had a delibrative voice; but in the whole were so insignificant, that they were nicknamed Les Images, or "The Shadows." 4. The introduction of the grabeau, or annual confirmation of the members of the senate and of the great council, vested entirely in the latter. By this law part of the authority both of the senate and general council was transferred to the great council; and by subjecting the senate to this annual revision, its power was greatly lessened, and it was made in fact dependent upon the general council. 5. The circles or clubs in which it was customary to convene the citizens, and all public assemblies whatever, were prohibited; and so rigourously was this carried into execution, that the society of arts was prohibited from meeting: 6. The militia were abolished; firing at marks, even with bows and arrows, was prohibited; and the town, instead of being guarded by the citizens, was now put under the care of 1000 foreign soldiers, whose colonel and major were both to be foreigners. These troops were to take an oath of fidelity to the republic, and of obedience to the great council and the committee of war; but were under the immediate command and inspection of the latter, and subject to the superior control of the former. 7. No person was permitted to bear arms, whether citizen, native, or inhabitant. 8. Several taxes were imposed without the consent of the general council; but in time to come it was provided, that every change or augmentation of the revenue should be submitted to that body. 9. Several privileges with regard to trade and commerce, formerly possessed by the citizens alone, were now granted both to citizens and inhabitants.
It is not to be supposed that revolution would be agreeable so people who had such a strong sense of liberty, and had been accustomed to put such a value upon it, as the Genevans. From what has been already related, it might seem reasonable to conclude, that an almost universal emigration would have taken place: but after their resentment had time to subside, most of those who fled at first, thought proper to return; and, in the opinion of Mr Coxe, not more than 600 finally left their country on account of the revolution in 1782. The emigrants principally settled at Brussels and Constance, where they introduced the arts of printing linens and watchmaking. Soon after the revolution, indeed, a memorial, signed by above 1000 persons of both sexes, all of them either possessed of some property or versed in trade of manufactures, was presented to the earl of Temple, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, expressing a desire to settle in that kingdom. The proposal met with general approbation; the Irish parliament voted £. 50,000 towards defraying the expences of their journey, and affording them a proper settlement in the island. Lands were purchased for £. 8000 in a convenient situation near Waterford; part of New Geneva was actually completed at the expence of £. 10,000; a charter was granted with very considerable privileges; the standard of gold was altered for the accomodation of the watch manufacturers; and the foundation of an academy laid upon an useful and liberal plan. Several Genevans landed in Ireland in the month of July 1783; but when the nation had expended near £. 30,000 on the scheme, it was suddenly abandoned. This seems principally to have been owing to the delays necessarily occasioned in the execution of such a complicated plan; and in some degree also by the high demands of the Genevan commissioners, who required many privileges inconsistent with the laws of Ireland. By these delays the Genevans, whose character seems not to be perseverance, were induced to abandon the scheme, and return to their former place of residence. Even the few who had already landed, though maintained at the public expence, were discontented at not finding the new town prepared for their {623} reception; and as these among the proposed emigrants who possessed the greatest share of property had already withdrawn their names, the remainder did not choose to remain in a country where they had not capital sufficient to carry on any considerable trade or manufacture. A petition was then presented by the Genevan commissioners, requesting that £. 10,000 of the £. 50,000 voted might be appropriated to the forming a capital: but as this had been voted for other purposes, the petition was of course rejected; in consequence of which, the Genevans relinquished the settlement by an address, and soon after quitted the island.
The people of Old Geneva, though returned to their former place of abode, were far from being inclined to submit to the yoke with patience. They were obliged to pay heavy taxes for maintaining a military force expressly calculated to keep themselves in subjection; and so intolerable did this appear, that in a few years every thing seemed ready for another revolution. The success of this seemed more probable than that of the former, as France was not now in a condition to interfere as formerly. The general ferment soon rose to such a height, that government was obliged to call in the aid of the military to quell a tumult which happened in the theatre. This produced only a temporary tranquility; another tumult took place on the 26th of January 1789, on account of the publication of an edict raising the price of bread a farthing per pound. On this the people instantly rose; plundered the bakers shops; and next day a carriage loaded with bread and escorted by soldiers was plundered in its way to the distribution office. The soldiers fired on the populace, by which one man was killed and another wounded: but the tumult still increasing, the soldiers were driven away; and the body of the deceased was carried in a kind of procession before the town-house, as a monument of the violence and oppression of the aristocratic party. The magistrates in the mean time spent their time in deliberation, instead of taking any effectual method of queling the insurrection. The people made the best use of the time afforded them by this delay of the magistrates: they attacked and carried two of the gates, dangerously wounding the commanding officer as he attempted to allay the fury of both parties. At last the magistrates dispatched against them a considerable body of troops, whom they thought the insurgents would not have the courage to resist; but in this they found themselves deceived. The people had formed a strong barricade, behind which they played off two fire pumps filled with boiling water and soap lyes against the extremities of two bridges which the military had to cross before they could attack them. The commanding officer was killed and several of his men wounded by the discharge of small arms from windows; and the pavement was carried up to the tops of houses in order to be thrown down upon the troops if they should force the barricades and penetrate into the streets. The tumult in the mean time continued to increase, and was in danger of becoming universal; when the magistrates, finding it would be impossible to quell the insurgents without a great effusion of blood, were reduced to the necessity of complying with their demands. One of the principal magistrates repaired in person to the quarter of St Gervais, proclaimed an edict for lowering the price of bread, granted a general amnesty, and released all the insurgents who had been taken in custody. Thus a momentary calm was produced; but the leaders of the insurrection, sensible that the magistrates were either unable or unwilling to employ a sufficient force against them, resolved to take advantage of the present opportunity to procure a new change of government. A new insurrection, therefore, took place on the 29th of the month, in which the soldiers were driven from their posts, disarmed, and the gates seized by the people. The magistrates then, convinced that all opposition was fruitless, determined to comply with the demands of their antagonists in their full extent; and the aristocratical party suddenly changing their sentiments, renounced in a moment that system to which they had hitherto so obstinately adhered. On the application of the solicitor general, therefore, for the recovery of the ancient liberties of the people, the permission of bearing arms, re-establishment of the militia, and of their circles or political clubs, the removal of the garrison from the barracks, and the recall of the representants who were banished in 1782; these moderate demands were received with complacency, and even satisfaction. The preliminaries were settled without difficulty, and a new edict of pacification was published under the title of Modifications a l'Edition de 1782, and approved by the senate, great council, and general council. So great was the unanimity on this occasion, that the modifications were received by a majority of 1321 against 52. The pacification was instantly followed by marks of friendship betwixt the two parties which had never been experienced before; the sons of the principal negatives frequented the circles of the burghers; the magistrates obtained the confidence of the people; and no monument of the military force so odious to the people will be allowed to remain. "The barracks of the town-house (says Mr Coxe) are already evacuated, and will be converted into a public library; the new barracks, built at an enormous expence, and more calculated for the garrison of a powerful and despotic kingdom than for a small and free commonwealth, will be converted into a building for the university. The reformation of the studies, which have scarcely received any alteration since the time of Calvin, is now in agitation. In a word, all things seem at present to conspire for the general good; and it is to be hoped that both parties, shocked at the recollection of past troubles, will continue on as friendly terms as the jealous nature of a free constitution will admit."